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Ever since former President Donald Trump became the Republican Party’s presidential candidate in 2016, there has been a small but vocal group of so-called Republicans in the media and in positions of power, and the day he loses his grip on the party has been overwhelming. I have longed for it. .

By the time the vice presidential debate began, “conservative” pundits on MSNBC and figures like former Rep. Liz Cheney and Sen. Mitt Romney were saying that if President Trump faces a plant issue this year, Republicans will finally come to their senses. One might have hoped that the plant would go back to quell the plant problem. I’m back in charge.

Senator J.D. Vance put that theory head on on stage in New York City.

Why Vance easily beat Waltz in debate and softened his image in the process

Polls vary, but by most accounts Mr. Vance has a good command of the issues and a remarkable affability that at times even seems to have charmed Mr. Walz, leading him to surpass Minnesota Gov. Tim. – Victory over Mr. Waltz (needless to say, a highly biased host).

Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) speaks during the vice presidential debate at CBS Studios in New York, New York, on October 1, 2024. Most experts believe that he is running against his opponent, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz. I agree that I have broken the. (Ricky Carioti/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

But it wasn’t the style of Vance’s answer that should worry Never Trumpers, but the content of it. Because Vance is perhaps the first major politician, though not Donald Trump, who can illustrate and embody Trump’s populism even in the most lofty of debates.

This week’s Time magazine cover acknowledged this with a portrait of Vance and the words “New Right,” which is actually another word to describe the changes Trump has brought to the Republican Party.

Trumpian populism, or the New Right, has four key pillars that Trump set forth: anti-globalism, strong borders, energy independence, and the fight for wokeness. All four, Vance argued.

The Ohio senator has spoken about bringing manufacturing home with sensible tariffs, balancing climate change and the need for cheap fuel, and aggressively deporting undocumented immigrants, and throughout her career has focused on issues such as education and gender. He has been a strong voice against excessive awakening in the field.

This is in sharp contrast to President Trump’s former stalwart, the conservative and pro-establishment Mike Pence, who has not particularly supported his old boss this time around.

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If Pence served as a drawbridge to traditional Republicans, Vance is like a high rampart, protecting the core tenets of the New Right from infiltrators who want to return to the days of Romney and Cheney. .

In Vance, we saw the future of Trumpian populism in the absence of its founder. And it’s not just JD, every up-and-comer on the Republican bench largely embodies the essence of the New Right, if not the exact tactics of Trump.

If you look at businessman Vivek Ramaswami, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, etc., essentially all have embraced the New Right. Even former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, who had hoped to draw Democrats away from her supporters, recognizes that a majority of Republican voters want President Trump’s New Right policies.

On July 15, 2024, former President Trump and his vice presidential candidate, Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) appeared on the first day of the Republican National Convention. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Despite the fact that the Republican Party’s turn to the populist side is complete, we see groups like “Republicans for Harris” touring the country and holding Zoom calls, but their It’s clear there’s real money behind it. What they lack is nothing like popular support.

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Today, we learn that Never Trumpism was actually never about mean tweets, womanizing, or threats to democracy. No, from the beginning, die-hard Never Trumpers opposed Trump and the voters’ priorities and preferred policies.

On immigration, they want compromise, not strong borders. When it comes to trade, they want large-scale global trade, not protectionism. On energy, they are trying to appease the alarmists. And when it comes to awakening, they really don’t want to talk about it.

If you put aside the “Never Trump” movement’s strange sense of entitlement and constant moral outrage, you can understand why they are upset. Their brand of neoliberalism, the Bush family’s Chamber of Commerce Republicans, no longer exists.

If Pence served as a drawbridge to traditional Republicans, Vance is like a high rampart, protecting the core tenets of the New Right from infiltrators who want to return to the days of Romney and Cheney. .

On the surface, it would appear that Harris’ best option for Republicans is simply to become a Democrat and try to keep the party of Jefferson and Jackson from falling into the left-wing ditch. It’s similar to how they always played defense when they were in power in the Republican Party.

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However, if you do that, it loses its value. The liberal media can no longer use these to pretend that a small group of conservative voters are against Trump. In short, they become irrelevant.

After Vance’s performance against Waltz, it’s safe to say that the Never Trumpers are already irrelevant. They saw the future, but it wasn’t them. The battle is finally over.

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