CNN
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Peru has seen some of its worst political violence in decades, but protesters’ grievances are all new. They reflect a system that hasn’t been delivered in over 20 years.
Some of Peru’s most violent protests, sparked by last month’s ousting of former president Pedro Castillo, have taken place in the south of the country, where dozens have been killed in violent clashes with security forces in recent weeks.
The region, which sits around the Andes Mountains, more than 10,000 feet above sea level, is home to some of Peru’s most famous archaeological sites, such as the ancient ruins of Machu Picchu and the city of Cusco, but it’s also one of the poorest in the country. .
In recent days, protesters from this part of Peru and other rural areas have begun to travel towards the capital Lima, sometimes for days, to express their dissatisfaction with the country’s leader and call for the resignation of incumbent president Dina Boluarte. I am requesting
Their anger highlights a deeper democratic crisis. After years of political upheaval, Peru is a country that has fallen in love with democracy. Both the Presidency and Congress are widely discredited and perceived as corrupt institutions.
2021 VOTE BY LABOPA research institute at Vanderbilt University.
Worryingly, more than half of Peruvians who took part in the poll said a military takeover of the country would be justified given its high level of corruption.
At the heart of the crisis is the demand for better living conditions, which has remained unfulfilled in the two decades since democratic rule was restored to the country. Peru, one of the youngest democracies in the Americas, restored free and fair elections in 2001 after the ouster of right-wing leader Alberto Fujimori.
Peru’s economy thrived both after the Fujimori regime and the restoration of democracy, outperforming most other economies in the region thanks to strong exports of raw materials and healthy foreign investment. The term Lima Consensus was coined after the capital of Peru to describe the system of free market policies promoted by the Peruvian elite to foster an economic boom.
But while the economy was booming, state institutions were inherently weakened by a governing philosophy of minimal state intervention.
In 2014, Harvard University professor Stephen Levitsky highlighted a particular Peruvian paradox: in most democracies public opinion reflects the state of the economy, but in Peru presidential approval ratings grew in the 2000s. , he writes, has consistently plummeted even as . Journal Revista.
Levitsky highlighted the chronic lack of security, justice, education and other basic services by successive governments in Peru as a threat to the sustainability of a young democracy.
“Security, justice, education and other basic services continue to be underserved, resulting in widespread perceptions of government corruption, injustice, inefficiency and neglect. It is a major source of dissatisfaction, and if such perceptions continue, across successive governments, it is likely to undermine public confidence in democratic institutions,” he wrote. observation It looks like a prophecy today.
The Covid-19 pandemic has only exacerbated this structural weakness at the core of Peruvian society. While many countries have expanded social safety nets to combat the economic fallout from lockdowns, Peru has had no nets to fall back on.
by united nationsmore than half of Peru’s population lacked access to adequate food during the months of the Covid-19 pandemic as the virus swept across the country. Johns Hopkins University It also shows that Peru has recorded the highest per capita death toll from coronavirus in the world.
Peru’s economy is back on track after the shock caused by the pandemic. Peru’s GDP will grow by a whopping 13.3% in 2021.
Polls published in September 2022 by IEP 84% of Peruvians indicated they disapprove of Congress’ performance. Members of parliament are not only pursuing their own interests in parliament, they are also viewed as engaging in corrupt practices.
The country’s frustration is reflected in years of revolving door presidency. The current president, Bolarte, is his sixth head of state in less than five years.
Her predecessor, Castillo, rose to power in the 2021 general election and styled herself as a member of the public to give the country a fresh start. But the polarization and turmoil surrounding the presidency, including allegations of corruption and multiple impeachment attempts by Congress, which Castillo dismissed as politically motivated, only exacerbated existing tensions.
Speaking to CNN on Wednesday, most protesters said the country needed a fresh start and called for new elections across the board to restore legitimacy to public institutions.
But Bolarte and parliamentarians have so far resisted calls for early general elections. On Sunday, the president declared a state of emergency in the areas most affected by the protests, including Lima. The measures are expected to last until mid-February, but that hasn’t stopped many people from taking to the streets.
Meanwhile, Peru’s Attorney General has launched an investigation into Boruarte’s handling of the riots.
But even if the current leader steps down and yet another politician rises to the presidency, the root cause of Peru’s unrest will persist.
As in many other parts of Latin America, addressing these issues requires structural change in terms of social and economic equity, including tackling the cost of living crisis and fighting corruption.
Across the region, the pandemic has proved a reality check after years of economic and social development under democratic regimes gave Latin America the impression that the era of coups, dictatorships and rebellions had finally ended. bottom.
Peru today may be a cautionary tale for a democracy on its own, failing to do well for its people.
